One of the curiosities about the U.S. labor force in 2024 has been the persistent, and historically high, participation of women, and in particular of mothers. During the height of the pandemic, it was women who were disproportionately impacted by the temporary closures of child care providers (and schools) caused by the spread of COVID-19. Women lost jobs, left the workforce, or reduced their job hours. Kids in the background of Zoom calls became a frequent occurrence for those that were able to telework.
These gains suggested that higher rates of labor force participation for women and mothers were possible, with the right support.
Then, as child care providers started reopening with the help of federal investments, women began increasing their labor force participation, reaching record levels of employment. These gains suggested that higher rates of labor force participation for women and mothers were possible, with the right support. The pandemic recovery period was not only characterized by a growth in the labor force participation of women, but also an increase in the labor force overall. This led to higher wages for workers, and to a higher incidence of job-switching. The unprecedented level of federal investment in child care during this period helped support providers re-open safely. And, while the labor force rebounded, and vaccines, masks, and other precautions made in person work safer, the increased rates of telework use persisted.
Access to telework provides flexibility to many, but helps mothers most of all.
So a rise in prevalence of, as well as access to, telework has played an important part in women and mothers’ labor force participation both during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic economy. Data on telework show that women and mothers are more likely to telework than men, and fathers are more likely to telework than men without children (see Figure 1 below). For instance, in September of 2024, 27 percent of working mothers were teleworking compared to 20 percent of men without children. We can also see that while telework use has grown for both men and women over the past two years, women and mothers’ telework use has grown more than that of men and fathers. This may reflect either a growth in workers seeking telework, or in employers offering telework as a workplace flexibility, as well as differing preferences for telework among men and women. Additionally, since men and women often have different kinds of jobs, a dynamic referred to as occupational segregation, these trends also likely capture the fact that not every job has telework as an option.
Figure 1
Regardless of what is causing the growth, it’s clear that telework is an important tool for women and mothers, who still are most likely to do the majority of domestic and care work. Time use data show that, over the past decade, as parents work more, their caregiving responsibilities have also grown. This means that parents have more demands on their time without any additional hours in the day, which has led to an increase in the stress that parents face.
Telework is no silver bullet: families still sorely need better and more affordable child care.
Telework can help working people save time by eliminating commutes and allowing for multi-tasking. This can make it easier for parents, and women in particular, to meet the growing demands for their time. Indeed, mothers with young children have the highest use of telework, with nearly one in three working mothers of young children (children under 5) teleworking compared to one in four mothers with older children (children aged 5 or older; see Figure 2 below). However, telework is not a replacement for child care writ large. Telework may make it easier for families to manage disruptions in their care, but it is hard to focus on both work and child care. Moreover, most teleworkers are not teleworking full-time. For both men and women, and for both parents and non-parents, less than half of those that use telework are teleworking full-time. Telework is therefore an important source of flexibility, but not a solution to the child care crisis that faces families.
Figure 2
Staying in the workforce is critical for women’s lifelong earnings. Not only is employment directly tied to retirement savings for many workers: moreover, even a short departure from the workforce to care for young children can lead to a large reduction of lifelong earnings through foregone income and savings and lower wages in the long run. This is an issue not just for mothers, but also for disabled people, who also often benefit from telework.
Even a short departure from the workforce to care for young children can lead to a large reduction of lifelong earnings through foregone income and savings and lower wages in the long run.
While not a holistic solution, or even one that works for everyone, continuing to have flexible workplace policies like telework is undoubtedly an important piece of supporting the higher labor force participation of mothers, among others. Policymakers should continue to support that flexibility without neglecting the core care infrastructure needed to complement it.
Tags: labor force participation, telework, mothers
Telework Has Helped Moms Stay in the Labor Force
One of the curiosities about the U.S. labor force in 2024 has been the persistent, and historically high, participation of women, and in particular of mothers. During the height of the pandemic, it was women who were disproportionately impacted by the temporary closures of child care providers (and schools) caused by the spread of COVID-19. Women lost jobs, left the workforce, or reduced their job hours. Kids in the background of Zoom calls became a frequent occurrence for those that were able to telework.
Then, as child care providers started reopening with the help of federal investments, women began increasing their labor force participation, reaching record levels of employment. These gains suggested that higher rates of labor force participation for women and mothers were possible, with the right support. The pandemic recovery period was not only characterized by a growth in the labor force participation of women, but also an increase in the labor force overall. This led to higher wages for workers, and to a higher incidence of job-switching. The unprecedented level of federal investment in child care during this period helped support providers re-open safely. And, while the labor force rebounded, and vaccines, masks, and other precautions made in person work safer, the increased rates of telework use persisted.
Access to telework provides flexibility to many, but helps mothers most of all.
So a rise in prevalence of, as well as access to, telework has played an important part in women and mothers’ labor force participation both during the pandemic and in the post-pandemic economy. Data on telework show that women and mothers are more likely to telework than men, and fathers are more likely to telework than men without children (see Figure 1 below). For instance, in September of 2024, 27 percent of working mothers were teleworking compared to 20 percent of men without children. We can also see that while telework use has grown for both men and women over the past two years, women and mothers’ telework use has grown more than that of men and fathers. This may reflect either a growth in workers seeking telework, or in employers offering telework as a workplace flexibility, as well as differing preferences for telework among men and women. Additionally, since men and women often have different kinds of jobs, a dynamic referred to as occupational segregation, these trends also likely capture the fact that not every job has telework as an option.
Figure 1
Regardless of what is causing the growth, it’s clear that telework is an important tool for women and mothers, who still are most likely to do the majority of domestic and care work. Time use data show that, over the past decade, as parents work more, their caregiving responsibilities have also grown. This means that parents have more demands on their time without any additional hours in the day, which has led to an increase in the stress that parents face.
Telework is no silver bullet: families still sorely need better and more affordable child care.
Telework can help working people save time by eliminating commutes and allowing for multi-tasking. This can make it easier for parents, and women in particular, to meet the growing demands for their time. Indeed, mothers with young children have the highest use of telework, with nearly one in three working mothers of young children (children under 5) teleworking compared to one in four mothers with older children (children aged 5 or older; see Figure 2 below). However, telework is not a replacement for child care writ large. Telework may make it easier for families to manage disruptions in their care, but it is hard to focus on both work and child care. Moreover, most teleworkers are not teleworking full-time. For both men and women, and for both parents and non-parents, less than half of those that use telework are teleworking full-time.1 Telework is therefore an important source of flexibility, but not a solution to the child care crisis that faces families.
Figure 2
Staying in the workforce is critical for women’s lifelong earnings. Not only is employment directly tied to retirement savings for many workers: moreover, even a short departure from the workforce to care for young children can lead to a large reduction of lifelong earnings through foregone income and savings and lower wages in the long run. This is an issue not just for mothers, but also for disabled people, who also often benefit from telework.
While not a holistic solution, or even one that works for everyone, continuing to have flexible workplace policies like telework is undoubtedly an important piece of supporting the higher labor force participation of mothers, among others. Policymakers should continue to support that flexibility without neglecting the core care infrastructure needed to complement it.
Notes
Tags: labor force participation, telework, mothers